Centene buys office building in southern california

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The general contractor is St. Louis-based Clayco. Syska Hennessy Group will be providing the mechanical, electrical, plumbing and fire protection engineering.

Get more news delivered to your inbox. Subscribe to France Media's e-newsletters. Click here. Top Stories. Market Reports. Search for:. Recent Features. Recent Market Reports. InterFace Net Lease West Ohio officials froze its application to renew its contract to offer insurance to state Medicaid enrollees.

Its application was soon unfrozen, and it won a Medicaid contract that summer for its subsidiary Buckeye Health, whose lobbyists include Michael Kiggin, a law school buddy of Republican Gov. Mike DeWine. Of the states that have reached settlements so far, at least five have subsequently awarded government contracts to the company. KHN learned of the settlement, which was not previously publicly announced, in October through a records request.

Nine months after the settlement, the state awarded Centene subsidiary Nebraska Total Care a Medicaid contract. Some politicians are tired of that playbook.

Becky Currie , who authored the amendment, told her colleagues on the House floor. In August, just over a year after the settlement, Mississippi awarded Centene subsidiary Magnolia Health Plan a new Medicaid managed-care contract.

In Georgia, reports of Medicaid overbilling by insurers surfaced in The following year, Republican Gov. But three years later, while other states have settled with Centene, Georgia has not. Centene is also currently trying to renew a Medicaid managed-care contract in the state. Carr, a Republican whose office would oversee any potential Centene settlement, and his spokesperson Kara Richardson said the state Medicaid agency is reviewing the billing data.

London, her fellow top executives, and their spouses have given just over half a million dollars since to gubernatorial and attorneys general candidates across the country. Their checks were often dated the same day for the same amount to incumbent politicians whose governments oversee Medicaid managed-care contracts in states, including in Arizona, Kansas, and North Carolina.

Because Centene has more than U. In , according to OpenSecrets data, Republican Gov. The McMaster campaign did not respond to questions about the donations. All of those fell within state campaign contribution limits. The governor has pushed proposals expected to help Centene and other insurers — including expanding insurance subsidies, requiring Californians to have health insurance, and extending coverage to immigrants regardless of their legal status.

At the moment, the company has billions of dollars at stake in California: The state is among those currently investigating its pharmacy billing practices, KHN has reported. While these decisions are pending, the company has continued to send checks to campaigns, including to dozens of local leaders — mayors, city council members, and county supervisors — in regions critical to its business.

Now, some of those local leaders are writing to state officials, asking them to reverse their decision and give Health Net a Medicaid contract locally, according to letters KHN obtained. Sacramento County Supervisor Phil Serna and two of his fellow supervisors were among those whose campaigns received checks from Health Net. They declined to comment.

He had written a letter to state officials urging them to reopen the bidding six days earlier. Phillip Reese, an assistant professor of journalism at California State University-Sacramento, contributed to this article. KHN analyzed data from OpenSecrets , a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization that collects campaign finance data about political candidates and committees.

Its state-level data was analyzed to determine how much money Centene Corp. OpenSecrets does not track state political action committees or have complete data for because of inconsistent state campaign finance reporting deadlines and other factors.

To calculate the contributions Centene made to those nonprofits from through , KHN relied on data compiled by OpenSecrets. For contributions from onward, KHN scoured the contribution and expenditure reports those nonprofits filed annually with the IRS, known as Form , because the OpenSecrets data was not yet complete. In some cases, subsidiaries made donations before they were acquired by Centene.

Those donations were excluded from the analysis.

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